Political biography · State presidential returns
North Carolina
election history.
Presidential votes, closest contests and political movement from 2000 through 2024.
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State context · blue toward D · red toward R · gray unavailable
How North Carolina voted
In 2000, North Carolina recorded 1,257,692 Democratic votes and 1,631,163 Republican votes out of 2,914,990 ballots. In 2024, the corresponding counts were 2,715,375, 2,898,423 and 5,699,141. The margin was R +12.81 in 2000 and R +3.21 in 2024.
The closest available D/R contest was 2008, with a D +0.33 margin. Movement relative to the country is local margin change minus national margin change; it distinguishes a local shift from a nationwide wave.
| Election | Democratic votes | Republican votes | Other ballots | Total ballots | D share | R share | D−R margin | U.S. margin |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2000 | 1,257,692 | 1,631,163 | 26,135 | 2,914,990 | 43.15% | 55.96% | R +12.81 | D +0.49 |
| 2004 | 1,525,849 | 1,961,166 | 13,992 | 3,501,007 | 43.58% | 56.02% | R +12.43 | R +2.43 |
| 2008 | 2,142,651 | 2,128,474 | 39,726 | 4,310,851 | 49.70% | 49.37% | D +0.33 | D +7.40 |
| 2012 | 2,178,391 | 2,270,395 | 56,586 | 4,505,372 | 48.35% | 50.39% | R +2.04 | D +3.94 |
| 2016 | 2,189,316 | 2,362,631 | 189,617 | 4,741,564 | 46.17% | 49.83% | R +3.66 | D +2.18 |
| 2020 | 2,684,292 | 2,758,773 | 81,737 | 5,524,802 | 48.59% | 49.93% | R +1.35 | D +4.45 |
| 2024 | 2,715,375 | 2,898,423 | 85,343 | 5,699,141 | 47.65% | 50.86% | R +3.21 | R +1.47 |
North Carolina county election histories
- Rockingham County →
- Franklin County →
- Randolph County →
- Yadkin County →
- Alexander County →
- Onslow County →
- Orange County →
- Cabarrus County →
- Iredell County →
- Stokes County →
- Guilford County →
- Person County →
- Vance County →
- Lenoir County →
- Cleveland County →
- Transylvania County →
- Craven County →
- Edgecombe County →
- Caldwell County →
- Pitt County →
- Jones County →
- Forsyth County →
- Wayne County →
- Bladen County →
- Polk County →
- Mitchell County →
- Currituck County →
- Lincoln County →
- Haywood County →
- Durham County →
- Greene County →
- Johnston County →
- New Hanover County →
- Chatham County →
- Richmond County →
- Scotland County →
- Davidson County →
- Anson County →
- Rutherford County →
- Yancey County →
- Swain County →
- Hertford County →
- Cumberland County →
- Wilkes County →
- Sampson County →
- Pamlico County →
- Washington County →
- Moore County →
- Robeson County →
- Surry County →
- Carteret County →
- Alleghany County →
- Harnett County →
- Hoke County →
- Perquimans County →
- Granville County →
- Hyde County →
- Watauga County →
- Macon County →
- Clay County →
- Chowan County →
- Gates County →
- Pasquotank County →
- Graham County →
- Cherokee County →
- Brunswick County →
- Halifax County →
- Jackson County →
- Warren County →
- Northampton County →
- Ashe County →
- Buncombe County →
- Burke County →
- McDowell County →
- Columbus County →
- Caswell County →
- Henderson County →
- Gaston County →
- Tyrrell County →
- Davie County →
- Avery County →
- Pender County →
- Catawba County →
- Mecklenburg County →
- Nash County →
- Madison County →
- Stanly County →
- Dare County →
- Wilson County →
- Duplin County →
- Martin County →
- Wake County →
- Lee County →
- Bertie County →
- Rowan County →
- Alamance County →
- Montgomery County →
- Union County →
- Camden County →
- Beaufort County →
Sources and methods
Presidential votes: MIT Election Data and Science Lab county returns, 2000–2024, version 20 and MEDSL statewide presidential returns. Percentages use all recorded ballots; the margin is Democratic share minus Republican share. “Other ballots” is total ballots minus Democratic and Republican votes. It includes third-party/write-in votes and any residual or invalid ballot counts included in the source denominator; it is not necessarily a count of votes for other candidates. A swing is the difference between two margins; national-adjusted swing subtracts the U.S. change over the same period. State and national profiles use statewide returns, not sums of incomplete county returns.
The county original CSV is an archived public mirror of MEDSL’s February 25, 2026 revision, with matching revision and original file size. Direct Harvard downloads require a personal guestbook; an independent official checksum match has not been certified. Download links, provenance, selection rules and SHA-256 checksums document the source and preserve the exact bytes used here. Recorded electoral votes come from the National Archives, including split Maine/Nebraska districts, faithless electors and abstentions.
Maps use the Census-derived us-atlas legacy county boundaries. Connecticut retains eight legacy counties, matching these returns. Oglala Lakota’s FIPS rename is harmonized. Bedford city and county are added for years before their merger when valid returns exist. Comparisons crossing Broomfield’s 2001 creation are unavailable for the five affected Colorado counties. Alaska’s voting districts and separately reported Kansas City votes cannot be safely assigned to these county boundaries: use statewide history and whole-state merges. Missing or inconsistent returns stay unavailable.
Border Lab uses 2020 Census resident population bases, Vintage 2021, with legacy Connecticut counties. Alaska’s statewide population remains intact. Statewide votes not assigned to comparable counties stay with their original state; a whole-state merge transfers that residual. A move with missing historical votes makes that election replay unavailable. The population snapshot stays fixed across historical replays. Metro experiments use March 2020 Census metropolitan delineations; these statistical areas are not proposed legal states. The population-balancing preset starts from original borders and greedily transfers adjacent counties to reduce squared imbalance without increasing graph fragmentation, up to 150 transfers. It preserves 50 regions and does not promise an optimal or equal-population partition.
House seats use the Census equal-proportions method: one initial seat per region, then priority population ÷ √(n × (n + 1)). Border Lab uses resident population; Same Votes, Different Rules uses historical Census apportionment populations, which include allocated overseas residents. Proportional electoral allocation uses Hamilton largest remainder with whole electors, across D, R and a combined other-ballot bucket; exact remainder ties use D, then R, then other. Winner-takes-all ties leave electors unallocated. No majority is reported honestly; contingent-election outcomes are not simulated.
These experiments hold recorded votes fixed. They are mechanical counterfactuals, not predictions of behavior, turnout, campaigns or constitutional validity. Ordinary vote totals cannot recover ranked preferences. Twin matches require complete comparable histories across the selected period; RMS distance equally weights each election margin or each consecutive change. Equal movement does not imply similar political levels, demographics, motives or individual voters.