Political biography · State presidential returns
Missouri
election history.
Presidential votes, closest contests and political movement from 2000 through 2024.
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State context · blue toward D · red toward R · gray unavailable
How Missouri voted
In 2000, Missouri recorded 1,111,138 Democratic votes and 1,189,924 Republican votes out of 2,359,892 ballots. In 2024, the corresponding counts were 1,200,599, 1,751,986 and 2,995,327. The margin was R +3.34 in 2000 and R +18.41 in 2024.
The closest available D/R contest was 2008, with a R +0.13 margin. Movement relative to the country is local margin change minus national margin change; it distinguishes a local shift from a nationwide wave.
| Election | Democratic votes | Republican votes | Other ballots | Total ballots | D share | R share | D−R margin | U.S. margin |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2000 | 1,111,138 | 1,189,924 | 58,830 | 2,359,892 | 47.08% | 50.42% | R +3.34 | D +0.49 |
| 2004 | 1,259,171 | 1,455,713 | 16,480 | 2,731,364 | 46.10% | 53.30% | R +7.20 | R +2.43 |
| 2008 | 1,441,911 | 1,445,814 | 37,480 | 2,925,205 | 49.29% | 49.43% | R +0.13 | D +7.40 |
| 2012 | 1,223,796 | 1,482,440 | 51,087 | 2,757,323 | 44.38% | 53.76% | R +9.38 | D +3.94 |
| 2016 | 1,071,068 | 1,594,511 | 143,026 | 2,808,605 | 38.14% | 56.77% | R +18.64 | D +2.18 |
| 2020 | 1,253,014 | 1,718,736 | 54,212 | 3,025,962 | 41.41% | 56.80% | R +15.39 | D +4.45 |
| 2024 | 1,200,599 | 1,751,986 | 42,742 | 2,995,327 | 40.08% | 58.49% | R +18.41 | R +1.47 |
Missouri county election histories
- St. Clair County →
- McDonald County →
- Webster County →
- Warren County →
- Christian County →
- Cooper County →
- Laclede County →
- Livingston County →
- Barton County →
- Newton County →
- Stone County →
- Daviess County →
- Scotland County →
- Cedar County →
- Pettis County →
- Benton County →
- Douglas County →
- Dent County →
- Shannon County →
- Sullivan County →
- Clinton County →
- Shelby County →
- Washington County →
- Adair County →
- Pulaski County →
- Iron County →
- Caldwell County →
- Pemiscot County →
- Marion County →
- DeKalb County →
- Franklin County →
- Jasper County →
- Wright County →
- Texas County →
- Madison County →
- Montgomery County →
- Phelps County →
- Ray County →
- Chariton County →
- Miller County →
- St. Louis city →
- Pike County →
- Callaway County →
- Ralls County →
- Lafayette County →
- Maries County →
- Osage County →
- Mississippi County →
- Camden County →
- Scott County →
- Carroll County →
- Atchison County →
- Gentry County →
- Buchanan County →
- Audrain County →
- Johnson County →
- Bollinger County →
- Carter County →
- Boone County →
- Perry County →
- Lincoln County →
- Bates County →
- Putnam County →
- Schuyler County →
- Clark County →
- Greene County →
- Moniteau County →
- Harrison County →
- Crawford County →
- Howell County →
- Reynolds County →
- Worth County →
- Randolph County →
- Nodaway County →
- St. Louis County →
- Dunklin County →
- Monroe County →
- Morgan County →
- New Madrid County →
- Oregon County →
- Ste. Genevieve County →
- Lewis County →
- Stoddard County →
- Grundy County →
- St. Francois County →
- Ozark County →
- Taney County →
- Wayne County →
- Holt County →
- Henry County →
- Hickory County →
- Mercer County →
- Polk County →
- Knox County →
- Macon County →
- Dade County →
- Linn County →
- Lawrence County →
- Andrew County →
- Howard County →
- Dallas County →
- Cole County →
- Barry County →
- Saline County →
- St. Charles County →
- Ripley County →
- Vernon County →
- Butler County →
- Cape Girardeau County →
- Gasconade County →
- Jefferson County →
Sources and methods
Presidential votes: MIT Election Data and Science Lab county returns, 2000–2024, version 20 and MEDSL statewide presidential returns. Percentages use all recorded ballots; the margin is Democratic share minus Republican share. “Other ballots” is total ballots minus Democratic and Republican votes. It includes third-party/write-in votes and any residual or invalid ballot counts included in the source denominator; it is not necessarily a count of votes for other candidates. A swing is the difference between two margins; national-adjusted swing subtracts the U.S. change over the same period. State and national profiles use statewide returns, not sums of incomplete county returns.
The county original CSV is an archived public mirror of MEDSL’s February 25, 2026 revision, with matching revision and original file size. Direct Harvard downloads require a personal guestbook; an independent official checksum match has not been certified. Download links, provenance, selection rules and SHA-256 checksums document the source and preserve the exact bytes used here. Recorded electoral votes come from the National Archives, including split Maine/Nebraska districts, faithless electors and abstentions.
Maps use the Census-derived us-atlas legacy county boundaries. Connecticut retains eight legacy counties, matching these returns. Oglala Lakota’s FIPS rename is harmonized. Bedford city and county are added for years before their merger when valid returns exist. Comparisons crossing Broomfield’s 2001 creation are unavailable for the five affected Colorado counties. Alaska’s voting districts and separately reported Kansas City votes cannot be safely assigned to these county boundaries: use statewide history and whole-state merges. Missing or inconsistent returns stay unavailable.
Border Lab uses 2020 Census resident population bases, Vintage 2021, with legacy Connecticut counties. Alaska’s statewide population remains intact. Statewide votes not assigned to comparable counties stay with their original state; a whole-state merge transfers that residual. A move with missing historical votes makes that election replay unavailable. The population snapshot stays fixed across historical replays. Metro experiments use March 2020 Census metropolitan delineations; these statistical areas are not proposed legal states. The population-balancing preset starts from original borders and greedily transfers adjacent counties to reduce squared imbalance without increasing graph fragmentation, up to 150 transfers. It preserves 50 regions and does not promise an optimal or equal-population partition.
House seats use the Census equal-proportions method: one initial seat per region, then priority population ÷ √(n × (n + 1)). Border Lab uses resident population; Same Votes, Different Rules uses historical Census apportionment populations, which include allocated overseas residents. Proportional electoral allocation uses Hamilton largest remainder with whole electors, across D, R and a combined other-ballot bucket; exact remainder ties use D, then R, then other. Winner-takes-all ties leave electors unallocated. No majority is reported honestly; contingent-election outcomes are not simulated.
These experiments hold recorded votes fixed. They are mechanical counterfactuals, not predictions of behavior, turnout, campaigns or constitutional validity. Ordinary vote totals cannot recover ranked preferences. Twin matches require complete comparable histories across the selected period; RMS distance equally weights each election margin or each consecutive change. Equal movement does not imply similar political levels, demographics, motives or individual voters.