Political biography · State presidential returns
Illinois
election history.
Presidential votes, closest contests and political movement from 2000 through 2024.
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State context · blue toward D · red toward R · gray unavailable
How Illinois voted
In 2000, Illinois recorded 2,589,026 Democratic votes and 2,019,421 Republican votes out of 4,742,108 ballots. In 2024, the corresponding counts were 3,062,863, 2,449,079 and 5,633,310. The margin was D +12.01 in 2000 and D +10.90 in 2024.
The closest available D/R contest was 2004, with a D +10.34 margin. Movement relative to the country is local margin change minus national margin change; it distinguishes a local shift from a nationwide wave.
| Election | Democratic votes | Republican votes | Other ballots | Total ballots | D share | R share | D−R margin | U.S. margin |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2000 | 2,589,026 | 2,019,421 | 133,661 | 4,742,108 | 54.60% | 42.58% | D +12.01 | D +0.49 |
| 2004 | 2,891,550 | 2,345,946 | 36,826 | 5,274,322 | 54.82% | 44.48% | D +10.34 | R +2.43 |
| 2008 | 3,419,348 | 2,031,179 | 71,844 | 5,522,371 | 61.92% | 36.78% | D +25.14 | D +7.40 |
| 2012 | 3,019,512 | 2,135,216 | 87,286 | 5,242,014 | 57.60% | 40.73% | D +16.87 | D +3.94 |
| 2016 | 3,090,729 | 2,146,015 | 299,680 | 5,536,424 | 55.83% | 38.76% | D +17.06 | D +2.18 |
| 2020 | 3,471,915 | 2,446,891 | 114,937 | 6,033,743 | 57.54% | 40.55% | D +16.99 | D +4.45 |
| 2024 | 3,062,863 | 2,449,079 | 121,368 | 5,633,310 | 54.37% | 43.47% | D +10.90 | R +1.47 |
Illinois county election histories
- Ford County →
- Saline County →
- Hamilton County →
- Winnebago County →
- DeKalb County →
- Marshall County →
- Piatt County →
- Richland County →
- Logan County →
- Fayette County →
- Effingham County →
- Kendall County →
- Knox County →
- LaSalle County →
- Tazewell County →
- Christian County →
- Scott County →
- Grundy County →
- Jefferson County →
- Putnam County →
- Marion County →
- Henry County →
- Macoupin County →
- De Witt County →
- McDonough County →
- Wayne County →
- St. Clair County →
- Jasper County →
- Cumberland County →
- Bond County →
- Edgar County →
- Ogle County →
- Jo Daviess County →
- Fulton County →
- Bureau County →
- Stephenson County →
- Pike County →
- Mason County →
- Lawrence County →
- McHenry County →
- Kane County →
- Douglas County →
- Jersey County →
- Cass County →
- Massac County →
- Morgan County →
- Mercer County →
- Schuyler County →
- Wabash County →
- Franklin County →
- Gallatin County →
- Greene County →
- Edwards County →
- Warren County →
- Brown County →
- Montgomery County →
- Madison County →
- Union County →
- Pope County →
- Clark County →
- Lee County →
- Shelby County →
- Cook County →
- Kankakee County →
- Pulaski County →
- Clay County →
- Vermilion County →
- Menard County →
- Monroe County →
- Rock Island County →
- Williamson County →
- Woodford County →
- Hardin County →
- Adams County →
- Iroquois County →
- Livingston County →
- Henderson County →
- Boone County →
- Alexander County →
- Carroll County →
- Will County →
- Stark County →
- Randolph County →
- Lake County →
- Macon County →
- Washington County →
- Crawford County →
- Calhoun County →
- McLean County →
- Champaign County →
- Clinton County →
- Hancock County →
- Whiteside County →
- White County →
- Sangamon County →
- Moultrie County →
- Johnson County →
- Peoria County →
- Jackson County →
- Coles County →
- Perry County →
- DuPage County →
Sources and methods
Presidential votes: MIT Election Data and Science Lab county returns, 2000–2024, version 20 and MEDSL statewide presidential returns. Percentages use all recorded ballots; the margin is Democratic share minus Republican share. “Other ballots” is total ballots minus Democratic and Republican votes. It includes third-party/write-in votes and any residual or invalid ballot counts included in the source denominator; it is not necessarily a count of votes for other candidates. A swing is the difference between two margins; national-adjusted swing subtracts the U.S. change over the same period. State and national profiles use statewide returns, not sums of incomplete county returns.
The county original CSV is an archived public mirror of MEDSL’s February 25, 2026 revision, with matching revision and original file size. Direct Harvard downloads require a personal guestbook; an independent official checksum match has not been certified. Download links, provenance, selection rules and SHA-256 checksums document the source and preserve the exact bytes used here. Recorded electoral votes come from the National Archives, including split Maine/Nebraska districts, faithless electors and abstentions.
Maps use the Census-derived us-atlas legacy county boundaries. Connecticut retains eight legacy counties, matching these returns. Oglala Lakota’s FIPS rename is harmonized. Bedford city and county are added for years before their merger when valid returns exist. Comparisons crossing Broomfield’s 2001 creation are unavailable for the five affected Colorado counties. Alaska’s voting districts and separately reported Kansas City votes cannot be safely assigned to these county boundaries: use statewide history and whole-state merges. Missing or inconsistent returns stay unavailable.
Border Lab uses 2020 Census resident population bases, Vintage 2021, with legacy Connecticut counties. Alaska’s statewide population remains intact. Statewide votes not assigned to comparable counties stay with their original state; a whole-state merge transfers that residual. A move with missing historical votes makes that election replay unavailable. The population snapshot stays fixed across historical replays. Metro experiments use March 2020 Census metropolitan delineations; these statistical areas are not proposed legal states. The population-balancing preset starts from original borders and greedily transfers adjacent counties to reduce squared imbalance without increasing graph fragmentation, up to 150 transfers. It preserves 50 regions and does not promise an optimal or equal-population partition.
House seats use the Census equal-proportions method: one initial seat per region, then priority population ÷ √(n × (n + 1)). Border Lab uses resident population; Same Votes, Different Rules uses historical Census apportionment populations, which include allocated overseas residents. Proportional electoral allocation uses Hamilton largest remainder with whole electors, across D, R and a combined other-ballot bucket; exact remainder ties use D, then R, then other. Winner-takes-all ties leave electors unallocated. No majority is reported honestly; contingent-election outcomes are not simulated.
These experiments hold recorded votes fixed. They are mechanical counterfactuals, not predictions of behavior, turnout, campaigns or constitutional validity. Ordinary vote totals cannot recover ranked preferences. Twin matches require complete comparable histories across the selected period; RMS distance equally weights each election margin or each consecutive change. Equal movement does not imply similar political levels, demographics, motives or individual voters.