Political biography · State presidential returns
Iowa
election history.
Presidential votes, closest contests and political movement from 2000 through 2024.
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State context · blue toward D · red toward R · gray unavailable
How Iowa voted
In 2000, Iowa recorded 638,517 Democratic votes and 634,373 Republican votes out of 1,353,022 ballots. In 2024, the corresponding counts were 707,278, 927,019 and 1,663,506. The margin was D +0.31 in 2000 and R +13.21 in 2024.
The closest available D/R contest was 2000, with a D +0.31 margin. Movement relative to the country is local margin change minus national margin change; it distinguishes a local shift from a nationwide wave.
| Election | Democratic votes | Republican votes | Other ballots | Total ballots | D share | R share | D−R margin | U.S. margin |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2000 | 638,517 | 634,373 | 80,132 | 1,353,022 | 47.19% | 46.89% | D +0.31 | D +0.49 |
| 2004 | 741,898 | 751,957 | 13,053 | 1,506,908 | 49.23% | 49.90% | R +0.67 | R +2.43 |
| 2008 | 828,940 | 682,379 | 25,804 | 1,537,123 | 53.93% | 44.39% | D +9.53 | D +7.40 |
| 2012 | 822,544 | 730,617 | 29,019 | 1,582,180 | 51.99% | 46.18% | D +5.81 | D +3.94 |
| 2016 | 653,669 | 800,983 | 110,928 | 1,565,580 | 41.75% | 51.16% | R +9.41 | D +2.18 |
| 2020 | 759,061 | 897,672 | 43,397 | 1,700,130 | 44.65% | 52.80% | R +8.15 | D +4.45 |
| 2024 | 707,278 | 927,019 | 29,209 | 1,663,506 | 42.52% | 55.73% | R +13.21 | R +1.47 |
Iowa county election histories
- Black Hawk County →
- Hancock County →
- Wapello County →
- Cedar County →
- Howard County →
- Warren County →
- Wayne County →
- Marshall County →
- Franklin County →
- Delaware County →
- Buchanan County →
- Webster County →
- Boone County →
- Ringgold County →
- Shelby County →
- Union County →
- Adams County →
- Mahaska County →
- Adair County →
- Hamilton County →
- Hardin County →
- Ida County →
- Marion County →
- Poweshiek County →
- Polk County →
- Madison County →
- Van Buren County →
- Henry County →
- Cerro Gordo County →
- Wright County →
- Jones County →
- Carroll County →
- Greene County →
- Emmet County →
- Mitchell County →
- Montgomery County →
- Bremer County →
- Washington County →
- O'Brien County →
- Pocahontas County →
- Davis County →
- Crawford County →
- Grundy County →
- Audubon County →
- Linn County →
- Keokuk County →
- Sac County →
- Woodbury County →
- Pottawattamie County →
- Muscatine County →
- Mills County →
- Osceola County →
- Fayette County →
- Jasper County →
- Des Moines County →
- Story County →
- Plymouth County →
- Appanoose County →
- Dubuque County →
- Fremont County →
- Decatur County →
- Winneshiek County →
- Clay County →
- Johnson County →
- Lucas County →
- Monroe County →
- Iowa County →
- Benton County →
- Kossuth County →
- Scott County →
- Harrison County →
- Louisa County →
- Page County →
- Clayton County →
- Humboldt County →
- Jefferson County →
- Sioux County →
- Dallas County →
- Cass County →
- Clarke County →
- Monona County →
- Calhoun County →
- Jackson County →
- Chickasaw County →
- Guthrie County →
- Winnebago County →
- Dickinson County →
- Lee County →
- Taylor County →
- Butler County →
- Floyd County →
- Worth County →
- Cherokee County →
- Palo Alto County →
- Tama County →
- Buena Vista County →
- Lyon County →
- Allamakee County →
- Clinton County →
Sources and methods
Presidential votes: MIT Election Data and Science Lab county returns, 2000–2024, version 20 and MEDSL statewide presidential returns. Percentages use all recorded ballots; the margin is Democratic share minus Republican share. “Other ballots” is total ballots minus Democratic and Republican votes. It includes third-party/write-in votes and any residual or invalid ballot counts included in the source denominator; it is not necessarily a count of votes for other candidates. A swing is the difference between two margins; national-adjusted swing subtracts the U.S. change over the same period. State and national profiles use statewide returns, not sums of incomplete county returns.
The county original CSV is an archived public mirror of MEDSL’s February 25, 2026 revision, with matching revision and original file size. Direct Harvard downloads require a personal guestbook; an independent official checksum match has not been certified. Download links, provenance, selection rules and SHA-256 checksums document the source and preserve the exact bytes used here. Recorded electoral votes come from the National Archives, including split Maine/Nebraska districts, faithless electors and abstentions.
Maps use the Census-derived us-atlas legacy county boundaries. Connecticut retains eight legacy counties, matching these returns. Oglala Lakota’s FIPS rename is harmonized. Bedford city and county are added for years before their merger when valid returns exist. Comparisons crossing Broomfield’s 2001 creation are unavailable for the five affected Colorado counties. Alaska’s voting districts and separately reported Kansas City votes cannot be safely assigned to these county boundaries: use statewide history and whole-state merges. Missing or inconsistent returns stay unavailable.
Border Lab uses 2020 Census resident population bases, Vintage 2021, with legacy Connecticut counties. Alaska’s statewide population remains intact. Statewide votes not assigned to comparable counties stay with their original state; a whole-state merge transfers that residual. A move with missing historical votes makes that election replay unavailable. The population snapshot stays fixed across historical replays. Metro experiments use March 2020 Census metropolitan delineations; these statistical areas are not proposed legal states. The population-balancing preset starts from original borders and greedily transfers adjacent counties to reduce squared imbalance without increasing graph fragmentation, up to 150 transfers. It preserves 50 regions and does not promise an optimal or equal-population partition.
House seats use the Census equal-proportions method: one initial seat per region, then priority population ÷ √(n × (n + 1)). Border Lab uses resident population; Same Votes, Different Rules uses historical Census apportionment populations, which include allocated overseas residents. Proportional electoral allocation uses Hamilton largest remainder with whole electors, across D, R and a combined other-ballot bucket; exact remainder ties use D, then R, then other. Winner-takes-all ties leave electors unallocated. No majority is reported honestly; contingent-election outcomes are not simulated.
These experiments hold recorded votes fixed. They are mechanical counterfactuals, not predictions of behavior, turnout, campaigns or constitutional validity. Ordinary vote totals cannot recover ranked preferences. Twin matches require complete comparable histories across the selected period; RMS distance equally weights each election margin or each consecutive change. Equal movement does not imply similar political levels, demographics, motives or individual voters.